By Mansi Gupta
Research Problem
To find out how can racism-like systematic discriminatory practices operate in mostly racially homogenous populations.
Research Objective
To find out whether systematic discrimination functions in contemporary India due to existence of historically embedded colourist experiences.
Research Questions
Does a racism-like practice sustain in on sole basis of skin colour India?
How is colourism practiced in contemporary India?
Is colourism a result of longstanding historical contexts of India perpetuating these discriminatory systems?
Rationale
The existence of racism-like behaviours, such as colourism, within racially homogeneous groups in contemporary India calls conventional wisdom into question. It necessitates an in-depth examination of the historical, cultural, and social causes that support such discriminatory regimes. Colourism, which has its roots in Indian history and pervades many facets of society. This sociological investigation aims to shed light on how these systems survive despite racial homogeneity, providing critical insights into the region's intricate network of social hierarchies.
Scope
This research will focus on India, analysing how colourism, as a racism-like practice, is practiced and sustained within this particular region to limit the scope of the research. The research will span the ancient to modern historical contexts resulting in cultivation of colourism into its current form as well as 21st century, considering both past historical events and contemporary experiences.
Hypothesis
The basic hypothesis of this study is that colourism remains a ubiquitous type of systematic discrimination in India due to deeply ingrained historical contexts, cultural practices, and social structure. It is proposed that colourism continues to exist even in racially homogeneous communities because it is embedded in the region's socio-cultural fabric.
Research Methodology
The research employs a doctrinal approach, relying exclusively on secondary data sources. The process unfolds in several stages: -
Data Collection: I source secondary data from academic journals, government reports, sociological studies, historical records, and relevant legal documents. This dataset encompasses historical records, case studies, and statistical information.
Data Analysis: The gathered secondary data undergoes analysis to understand prevalent patterns, trends, and key factors contributing to the enduring presence of colourism in Northern India. Historical analysis allows us to trace the evolution of colourist practices over time.
Conclusion and Implications: My research culminates in a comprehensive summary of findings, shedding light on the implications for our understanding of racism-like practices within racially homogenous populations.
Is India racially homogenous? The answer most certainly be a NO. Even the Northern part of India which is the focus area of this study is not racially homogenous. There exist several racial groups in India. Sir Herbert Hope Risley tried to classify the Indian population on the basis of anthropometric measurements, and divided them into 7 racial groups. These are as follows: -
The Dravidian type
The Indo-Aryan type
The Mongoloid type
The Aryo-Dravidian type
The Mongolo-Dravidian type
The Scytho-Dravidian type
The Turko-Iranian type[1]
The people who look racially distinct are treated with hostility in India but we see existence of another practice operating side by side Racism.[2] So, while racism still persists within outsider groups who essentially have either migrated or have clearly racially distinguishing features but, on a whole, the rest of the population even if racially and ethnically diverse, appears on the face of it as racially homogenous with several facial and ethnic commonalities.[3] We see that a discriminatory system still operates which appears like a racism-like practice segregating populations and operates against peoples who are of a certain skin colour. Such a segregation appears to not be on the basis of the physical features of the person of which skin colour is just one component but where skin colour is the sole component.
The history that has perpetuated and subsequently permeated the practices that need to be delved into and understood to figure the reasons of its contemporary persistence. The following is an analysis of Indian history permeating colourism as a systematic practice of colour-based discrimination: -
Historical Analysis:
India, as a country, has a rich fabric of varied races, castes, languages, and religions that represent its long anthropological past. One can wonder whether the contemporary Indian population is indigenously anchored in the subcontinent or “part of a messier, interconnected global story of human migrations”.[4]These waves have resulted in a stunningly different assortment of skin colours and facial traits among the current inhabitants of India's various regions.[5]
Some Indian historians claim that there is a lack of tangible data about colour-based prejudices during ancient Indian timeline, obscuring the origins of discriminatory colourist systems. The Vedic writings and holy traditions that are venerated reservoirs of India's cultural legacy, provide no evidence of a preference for lighter skin tones over darker tones.[6]As a supporting example, representations of Hindu deities such as Kali Mata, the 'Black Mother,' and even Lord Rama and Draupadi being depicted and perceived as dark skinned indicate a lack of colour-based prejudice in ancient India. (Mishra 2015: 729-730).[7]
The following historical movements led to the consolidation of ‘Colourism’ in India:-
ARYAN MIGRATION AND DEVLOPMENT OF CASTE SYSTEM
The Aryan migration, believed to have occurred around 3000 BCE, ushered in a significant era of transformation in India, characterized by profound shifts in social, linguistic, and religious dimensions. It is widely accepted that the Aryan influx marked the genesis of India's intricate caste system, the creation of religious scriptures, and the evolution of folklore. (Subramaniam 2019: 149). The Aryans, hailing from an Indo-European lineage, were noticeably distinct in terms of their facial features and skin tones when juxtaposed with the indigenous inhabitants. This migration is thought to have resulted in their dominance over the indigenous Dravidians and the subsequent establishment of a caste system. This stratification divided society into varna, a system rooted in skin colour, occupation, and social hierarchy. “The Brahmins, characterized as white-skinned, held the highest status, followed by the red-skinned Kshatriyas, yellow-skinned Vaishyas, brown-skinned Shudras, and the black-skinned Dalits, who were relegated to the lowest rung.” (Parameswaran & Cardoza, 2009).[8] Despite the inherent variations in skin tones within these caste categories, the prevailing perception that lighter skin corresponds to higher caste membership is noteworthy (Glenn ,2020).[9] This has substantial implications for individuals within the Indian social strata, particularly those who do not fit the expected skin colour profile of their caste, thus facing the challenge of justifying their social status.
MUSLIM DOMINANCE
India has been invaded by rulers from all over the world, including Muslim conquerors such as the Mughals, Portuguese, and British. The earliest Muslim presence in India was as conquerors in A.D. 712, but they arrived in South India earlier as traders. Under the reign of Akbar, were serious efforts made to unite India under the Mughals. While historical sources do not contain accounts of ruling-class prejudice based on skin colon, it is vital to note that many Arab and Muslim invaders, including the Mughals, hailed from the Arabic and Persian regions and generally had fairer skin tones compared to the majority of the local Indian population which may have contributed to consolidation of the Colourism’s development in India.[10]
However, intriguingly, historical records do not bear witness to any evidence of racial bias during the era of Aryan migration and rule or the subsequent period of Muslim dominance, which persisted for roughly three centuries, commencing in 712 CE. “Nonetheless, an intriguing fact presents itself—the ruling classes, first the Aryans and later the Muslim traders, notably exhibited lighter skin tones in contrast to the majority of the native populace.” (Mishra 2015: 730-731).[11] While this may appear as a matter of mere coincidence, it warrants contemplation within the timeline of historical discourse.
THE COLONIAL RULE OF THE BRITISH
The British colonial era, lasting more than three centuries, had a profound impact on the interplay between skin colour and caste in India. The British constructed a negative image of the indigenous population, portraying them as "barbaric, savage, primitive, exotic, passive§, unruly, and incapable of self-determination".[12] This construction was accompanied by the exclusion of Indians from positions of power and political participation. British observers held their own culture and physical characteristics in high regard, establishing a hierarchy that equated lighter skin with attributes such as intelligence and martial prowess while attributing darker skin to traits of lesser worth (Jablonski, 2010).[13]
This British reinforcement of colour-based discrimination intensified preexisting divisions in Indian society, associating white skin with power, desirability, and beauty while casting darker skin as barbaric, primitive, and undesirable.[14]
CONCLUSION
In conclusion, the entwinement of race and skin colour in India is a complex issue with historical roots that extend back to the Aryan Migration and were further exacerbated by British colonial rule. These historical developments have significantly shaped contemporary notions of caste and colour in the Indian social fabric, where lighter skin is often associated with privilege and status, while darker skin is subjected to bias and prejudice. Although, with more and more people being sensitized, colourism seems to be plummeting down in practice. But India has a long way to go before such malpractices can be uprooted from the very core of society.
The author of this article is Mansi Gupta, a first-year BALLB student at The West Bengal National University of Juridicial Sciences.
[1] Ali, E. The Ethnic Composition of India [Department of Geography, Ananda Chandra College]. https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/211833865.pdf
[2] Brondolo, E., Brady Ver Halen, N., Pencille, M., Beatty, D., & Contrada, R. J. (2009). Coping with racism: a selective review of the literature and a theoretical and methodological critique. Journal of behavioral medicine, 32(1), 64–88. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10865-008-9193-0
[3] Telles, E., & Paschel, T. (2014). Who Is Black, White, or Mixed Race? How Skin Color, Status, and Nation Shape Racial Classification in Latin America. American Journal of Sociology, 120(3), 864–907. https://doi.org/10.1086/679252
[4] Mishra, N. (2015). India and Colorism: The Finer Nuances. Global Perspectives on Colorism (Symposium Edition), 14(4). https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1553&context=law_globalstudies
[5] See Supra Note 4.
[6] Ibid
[7] See Supra Note 4, pg. 729-30.
[8] Parameswaran, R., & Cardoza, K. (2009). Melanin on the Margins: Advertising and the Cultural Politics of Fair/Light/White Beauty in India. Journalism & Communication Monographs, 11(3), 213-274. https://doi.org/10.1177/152263790901100302
[9] Loury, G. C. (2020). When Black Lives Matter: Thoughts on the Persistence of Racial Inequality in America. Horizons: Journal of International Relations and Sustainable Development, 17, 190–207. https://www.jstor.org/stable/48590573
[10] Ibid
[11] See Supra Note 4 pg. 730-731.
[12] See Supra Note 9
[13] Jablonski, N. G. (2010b). Shades of Difference: Why Skin Color Matters. Evelyn Nakano Glenn. Journal of Anthropological Research, 66(2), 261–262. https://doi.org/10.1086/jar.66.2.27820884
[14] Margaret Hunter. (2007). The Persistent Problem of Colorism: Skin Tone, Status, and Inequality [Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Mills College]. https://projects.iq.harvard.edu/files/deib-explorer/files/the_persistent_problem_of_colorism.pdf
Limitations
Lack of Previous Research Studies on The Topic: The coexistence of Racism and colourism is not a well-researched topic and hence access to secondary sources very relatively fewer.
Implementation of Data Collection Method: The research was solely based on secondary sources of Data collection but the sensitive nature of the topic calls for employment of primary data collection like via Questionnaire or survey.
Limited Scope of Research and Focus On Historical Analysis: The sole scope of the research was to delve into history and understand how that led to formation of system of Colourism but other reasons are not dealt with.
References
Brondolo, E., Brady Ver Halen, N., Pencille, M., Beatty, D., & Contrada, R. J. (2009). Coping with racism: a selective review of the literature and a theoretical and methodological critique. Journal of behavioral medicine, 32(1), 64–88.------------------------------------- 5
Jablonski, N. G. (2010b). Shades of Difference: Why Skin Color Matters. Evelyn Nakano Glenn. Journal of Anthropological Research, 66(2), 261–262------------------------------------------------- 8
Loury, G. C. (2020). When Black Lives Matter: Thoughts on the Persistence of Racial Inequality in America. Horizons: Journal of International Relations and Sustainable Development, 17, 190–207-------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 7
Mishra, N. (2015). India and Colorism: The Finer Nuances. Global Perspectives on Colorism (Symposium Edition), 14(4).-------------- 6
Parameswaran, R., & Cardoza, K. (2009). Melanin on the Margins: Advertising and the Cultural Politics of Fair/Light/White Beauty in India. Journalism & Communication Monographs, 11(3), 213-274 7
Telles, E., & Paschel, T. (2014). Who Is Black, White, or Mixed Race? How Skin Color, Status, and Nation Shape Racial Classification in Latin America. American Journal of Sociology, 120(3), 864–907-- 5
Ali, E. The Ethnic Composition of India [Department of Geography, Ananda Chandra College].----------------------------------------------- 5
Margaret Hunter. (2007). The Persistent Problem of Colorism: Skin Tone, Status, and Inequality [Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Mills College].-------------------------------------------- 8
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